Aided by new technologies and improved data-reporting in recent decades, research in environmental criminology has developed rapidly within each of these approaches.
Yet research in the subfield remains fragmented and competing theories are rarely examined together. The Oxford Handbook of Environmental Criminology takes a unique approach and synthesizes the contributions of existing methods to better integrate the subfield as a whole. Gerben J. Bruinsma and Shane D. Johnson have assembled a cast of top scholars to provide an in-depth source for understanding how and why physical setting can influence the emergence of crime, affect the environment, and impact individual or group behavior.
The contributors address how changes in the environment, global connectivity, and technology provide more criminal opportunities and new ways of committing old crimes. They also explore how crimes committed in countries with distinct cultural practices like China and West Africa might lead to different spatial patterns of crime.
This is a state-of-the-art compendium on environmental criminology that reflects the diverse research and theory developed across the western world. But law enforcement and public officials create policy responses to specific crimes, not broad categories of offenses. In order to develop the most effective policies, one needs to understand why particular crimes occur and what approaches might best prevent them or minimize the harm they cause.
Taking this fresh perspective, The Oxford Handbook of Crime and Public Policy offers a comprehensive examination of crimes as public policy subjects. Michael Tonry, a leading authority on criminology, has brought together the most distinguished active scholars in the field to present a wide-ranging overview and analysis of violent and sexual crimes, property crimes, transactional crimes, transnational crimes, and crimes against morality.
The crimes investigated range from often-discussed offenses homicide, auto theft, sexual violence to those that only recently began to receive attention child abuse, domestic violence, environmental crimes ; it includes new crimes identity theft, cybercrime as well as age-old crimes drug abuse, gambling, prostitution. Written in a straightforward and accessible manner, each chapter explains why crimes happen, how often, and what we know about efforts to prevent or control them.
Aimed at a wide audience of scholars, students, and policy makers, the Handbook is the definitive reference work on crimes and public policy responses to them. Contributors tackle a vast range of topics, including the impact of white-collar crime, the contexts in which it occurs, current crime policies and debates, and examinations of the criminals themselves. The volume concludes with a set of essays that discuss potential responses for controlling white-collar crime, as well as promising new avenues for future research,.
Uniting conceptual theories, empirical research, and ethnographic data, this Handbook provides the first unified analytic framework on white-collar crime. Several essays discuss the ways in which sex and gender influence legal and popular reactions to crime.
An important theme throughout The Handbook is the intersection of sex and gender with ethnicity, class, age, peer groups, and community as influences on crime and justice. Individual chapters investigate both conventional topics - such as domestic abuse and sexual violence - and topics that have only recently drawn the attention of scholars - such as human trafficking, honor killing, gender violence during war, state rape, and genocide.
Accomplished policing researchers Michael D. The Oxford Handbook of Criminal Law reflects the continued transformation of criminal law into a global discipline, providing scholars with a comprehensive international resource, a common point of entry into cutting edge contemporary research and a snapshot of the state and scope of the field.
To this end, the Handbook takes a broad approach to its subject matter, disciplinarily, geographically, and systematically. Its contributors include current and future research leaders representing a variety of legal systems, methodologies, areas of expertise, and research agendas.
Part I includes essays exploring various methodological approaches to criminal law such as criminology, feminist studies, and history. Part II provides an overview of systems or models of criminal law, laying the foundation for further inquiry into specific conceptions of criminal law as well as for comparative analysis such as Islamic, Marxist, and military law.
Part III covers the three aspects of the penal process: the definition of norms and principles of liability substantive criminal law , along with a less detailed treatment of the imposition of norms criminal procedure and the infliction of sanctions prison or corrections law. Contributors consider the basic topics traditionally addressed in scholarship on the general and special parts of the substantive criminal law such as jurisdiction, mens rea, justifications, and excuses.
Part IV places criminal law in context, both domestically and transnationally, by exploring the contrasts between criminal law and other species of law and state power and by investigating criminal law's place in the projects of comparative law, transnational, and international law.
The police are perhaps the most visible representation of government. They are charged with what has been characterized as an "impossible" mandate -- control and prevent crime, keep the peace, provide public services -- and do so within the constraints of democratic principles. The police are trusted to use deadly force when it is called for and are allowed access to our homes in cases of emergency. In fact, police departments are one of the few government agencies that can be mobilized by a simple phone call, 24 hours a day, 7 days a week.
They are ubiquitous within our society, but their actions are often not well understood. The Oxford Handbook of Police and Policing brings together research on the development and operation of policing in the United States and elsewhere. Accomplished policing researchers Michael D. Reisig and Robert J. Kane have assembled a cast of renowned scholars to provide an authoritative and comprehensive overview of the institution of policing. The different sections of the Handbook explore policing contexts, strategies, authority, and issues relating to race and ethnicity.
The Handbook also includes reviews of the research methodologies used by policing scholars and considerations of the factors that will ultimately shape the future of policing, thus providing persuasive insights into why and how policing has developed, what it is today, and what to expect in the future. Aimed at a wide audience of scholars and students in criminology and criminal justice, as well as police professionals, the Handbook serves as the definitive resource for information on this important institution.
Developmental and life-course criminology are both concerned with the study of changes in offending and problem behaviors over time. Developmental studies in criminology focus on psychological factors that influence the onset and persistence of criminal behavior, while life-course studies analyze how changes in social arrangements, like marriage, education or social networks, can lead to changes in offending. The Oxford Handbook on Developmental and Life-Course Criminology offers the first comprehensive survey of these two approaches together.
The fourth section focuses on life transitions and turning points as they may relate to persistence in-or desistance from-criminal activity into adulthood, while the final section examines the genesis of antisocial, delinquent, and criminal activity, its maintenance, and its cessation. A state of the art overview on the topic, this Handbook aims to be the most authoritative resource on all issues germane to developmental and life-course criminologists and provides next steps for further research.
This title provides comprehensive analyses of current knowledge about the unwarranted disparities in dealings with the criminal justice system faced by some disadvantaged minority groups in all developed countries.
It is no secret that America's sentencing and corrections systems are in crisis, and neither system can be understood or repaired fully without careful consideration of the other.
This handbook examines the intertwined and multi-layered fields of American sentencing and corrections from global and historical viewpoints, from theoretical and policy perspectives, and with close attention to many problem-specific arenas. Editors Joan Petersilia and Kevin R. Reitz, both leaders in their respective fields, bring together a group of preeminent scholars to present state-of-the art research, investigate current practices, and explore the implications of new and varied approaches wherever possible.
The handbook's contributors bridge the gap between research and policy across a range of topics including an overview of mass incarceration and its collateral effects, explorations of sentencing theories and their applications, analyses of the full spectrum of correctional options, and first-hand accounts of life inside of and outside of prison. Individual chapters reflect expertise and source materials from multiple fields including criminology, law, sociology, psychology, public policy, economics, political science, and history.
Proving that the problems of sentencing and corrections, writ large, cannot be addressed effectively or comprehensively within the confines of any one discipline, The Oxford Handbook of Sentencing and Corrections is a vital reference volume on these two related and central components of America's ongoing experiment in mass incarceration.
The editors, Rosemary Gartner and Bill McCarthy, have assembled a diverse cast of criminologists, historians, legal scholars, psychologists, and sociologists from a number of countries to discuss key concepts and debates central to the field. The Handbook includes examinations of the historical and contemporary patterns of women's and men's involvement in crime; as well as biological, psychological, and social science perspectives on gender, sex, and criminal activity.
Several essays discuss the ways in which sex and gender influence legal and popular reactions to crime. The first key claim is a commitment to an intellectually capacious conception of the field of criminology—to making a virtue out of the necessity of criminological pluralism. We termed these the moment of discovery where the primary task is the production of reliable knowledge about such matters as crime causes, patterns, and trends etc. This is not to argue that every criminological researcher, or student, or knowl- edge user, should be proficient across all of these dimensions.
Rather, it is that there are compelling reasons to collectively organize the field in a manner that seeks to ensure that each dimension flourishes and that mutual debate and learning can take place between them. Our arguments in this chapter have been orientated to underscoring this basic point.
What though does this entail? While that task may benefit from political skills and nous, it does not mean simply becoming a politician or a lobbyist for this or that cause. Often, in emotive, highly-charged contexts, this will require a scepti- cal and defensive posture—problem-raising, illusion-bursting, pouring cold-water on ill-informed punitive enthusiasms.
It fur- ther requires that criminology cultivates a more cogent understanding than has been developed hitherto of the institutional contexts in which knowledge is taken-up, used, and abused—an analysis, in other words, of the condition, dynamics, and pathologies of actually existing politics and their impact upon the crime question.
Our purpose in this chapter has been to further such understanding. It means theoriz- ing, researching, and experimenting with the kinds of social and political institutions that can give effect to more inclusive and deliberative democratic practices—whether in national, sub-national, or emergent transnational spaces.
Given the pathologies of contemporary politics, and their deleterious impact on the governance of crime, this too is a legitimate, exciting, and urgent criminological task.
It is also one that calls for a closer, more fruitful encounter than has been evident up till now between criminology and the resources of political analysis and theory.
Indeed we think that in certain respects a more sober evaluation of the role of social science knowledge in policy-making and politics serves to moderate and complicate some of the more eager hopes of the evidence-based policy movement.
Yet we also argue that in our kind of society the relationship between knowledge and policy, and hence between politics and evidence, is a crucial and unavoidable one. In this regard what is at stake cannot be allowed to be reduced, corralled, or over-managed. This involved democratisation, rather than simply modernisation. We are scarcely the first to notice the connection between crime and politics, or to pin- point the tensions between intellectual scepticism and political commitment that arise when one practices criminology at the interface between them.
Stanley Cohen—on whose shoulders we have sought to stand in this chapter—was and is an astute and. Lacey , Barker , and Miller In this light, it is possible to identify, or where necessary tease out, the relations that exist between competing visions of politics and various projects of criminological theory and research. Criminological work invariably accords meaning and significance to terms such as order, justice, rights, liberty, authority, and legitimacy; or assumes a position on the powers and limits of the state and other governing authorities, or pos- its a view on the role of markets or citizens in crime control.
In these and other ways criminology mobilizes some conception of the good—or at least a better—society. Often the relevant connections lie buried, scarcely articulated, and undefended. But the same holds for conservatism— think of the work of James Q.
Wilson and John Dilulio ; for socialism and social democracy e. Currie ; Reiner ; in respect of the influence of feminist politics on criminology Heidensohn ; in the traces of anarchism found in abolitionism and cultural criminology; in those of the environmental movement on green criminology, and of republican or communitarian political thought on the work of John Braithwaite and many other restorative justice advocates Braithwaite and Pettit Others, however, have sought to give practical effect to alternative ways of politically framing and governing crime— notably, Clifford Shearing and his colleagues in their work on community capacity- building and John Braithwaite and many others on restorative justice Braithwaite ; Shearing and Wood Criminological work is much more typically to be found problem-raising than in thinking creatively about new democratic institutions and practices.
Criminologists appear to be more comfortable trading in negations than in positing goods. One seldom, if ever, fi nds experimental criminologists elaborating on what such a society would look like, how it would differ from actual existing societies, or why an evidence-based society is either feasible or desirable. It is partly an effect of the fact that the instruments conventionally used to respond to crime—police, courts, prisons, etc.
We do not want to devalue this sceptical, problem-raising disposition—it is a vital part of what criminology has to offer to a democratic polity. This means thinking creatively about the promise, risks, and limits of democratizing crime control; about the ways in which a better democratic politics is prefigured in the present; about the social movements which might articulate it, and about the institutional design questions that must be tackled before a more equitable and deliberative democratic politics of crime can take practical shape.
The effort we have made in this chapter to situate criminology, and think about its changing conditions of possibility and utilization, has in the end been about supplying some background and resources for this wider undertaking.
We have wanted to post a reminder to all those who produce or consume knowledge about crime and justice that criminology deals with a subject matter whose connection to politics is inescap- able—and valuable. Part of what it means to live in a democracy is that we attend to matters of crime and its regulation in these terms, that we see politics as a site not only of competing interests and struggles, but of resource distribution, conflict resolution, and recursive dialogue over the terms of collective existence.
Given this, there is much to be said for making these connections explicit and serious reflection and debate about them part of the criminological and wider public argument.
It also gives value, legitimacy, even urgency to the idea that one does committed theoretical and empiri- cal work on problems of crime and justice from within political traditions. What half a century on, in the altered social and political conditions we have described, would such an ideal crimino- logical research outfit look like? Given what we have said about the diversity of the.
But if pressed to choose a team equipped for the challenges that face criminology today ours would look something like this: a politi- cal theorist, an international human rights lawyer, an urban ethnographer, an analyst of media and communications, a development economist, an international relations scholar and.
The challenges that these transformations throw up for the study of crime and justice have been discussed in a number of places of late. Our own efforts to get to grips with the challenges that criminology confronts today, and to think about how crime and justice researchers can coherently engage with public life, can be found in our little book on Public Criminology? Bosworth and C. Sheptycki ed. I—The Rise of the Network Press. Society, Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Basil Blackwell. Criminal Law and Philosophy, 2: 21— Oxford: Oxford University Press.
European Journal of Social Theory, 4 1 : 11— Hoyle eds , Cambridge: Polity. What is Criminology? Challenge, New York: Pantheon. Parmentier, I. Aertson, J. Journal of Criminology, 51 4 : — Maesschalck, L. Paoli, and L. Hoyle eds , What is Criminology? Simon and Schuster. Random House. Rock ed.
Hood ed. Garland and R. Maguire, R. Morgan, and R. Zedner and A. Discontents, London: Guilford Press. British Journal of Criminology, 28 2 : 1— University Press. Lerner and H. Theory, Oxford: Oxford University Press. H ALL, J. Control, Buckingham: Open University Press. Democracy and the Sociology, London: Macmillan. Von , Censure and Sanctions, Oxford: I.
Loader, and H. Justice, Oxford: Hart. Theoretical Criminology, 12 4 : — Available at: www. PAGE, J. London: Feasible?
Newburn ed. Melossi, M. Sozzo, and R. Sparks — England and Wales, London: Waterside Press. London: Sage. Hoyle eds , What Change, 99— Criminology, 42 4 : — Social Problems, 49 3 : — Hitlin and S. Vaisey eds , Handbook Cullompton: Willan. Crime Prevention, Beverly Hills: Sage.
London: RKP. New York: Basic Books. Networks, 2 4 : — Princeton University Press. Underdevelopment, London: Heinemann. McLennan, and J. Pawson eds , Crime and General Hall. Approaches, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Deviance, Harmondsworth: Penguin. Ashworth eds , The Criminological ——, ——, and —— eds , Critical Criminology.
Chicago Press. Politics and Policy, Cullompton: Willan. First, he said, there were private indi- viduals working alone, and he cited as examples John Howard and Jeremy Bentham.
Piers Beirne and others would call them part of an Enlightenment phase of thinking about crime and control xii although Garland would demur a little. It was a group that was tenuously united at the end of the eighteenth and the begin- ning of the nineteenth centuries by a copious correspondence; an independence of thought; an independence of wealth; the holding of pivotal positions as magistrates, sheriffs, and Members of Parliament; and a common membership of philanthropic societies and religious organizations see Whitten They learned at first or sec- ond hand about conditions in Britain and elsewhere, and they cultivated in their turn the beginnings of a systematic, comparative, and investigative stance towards problems of crime, policing, and punishment.
But, being largely independent individuals, they did not lay much of a foundation for an enduring tradition of research and teaching. Guerry and Cesare Lombroso Beirne and others would call that the Positivist phase. One might again add that that second era was marked by the activity of embryonic criminologists who made use of the copious data and institutions that the newly reformed, expanding, interventionist, and increasingly wealthy state of the nineteenth century—the state that the Enlightenment reformers had built—furnished in the service of public administration.
The fi rst population census in Britain was conducted in ; the new police, judicial, and penal authorities began to produce their own statistical returns after the s; and a great mass of numerical data began to flood into the public realm. The new statistics were eagerly explored by those who sought to discover patterns, commonalities, and trends in the social world: Fletcher , Guerry , and Quetelet , above all, sought to devise a new social physics that could reveal law-like regularities of behaviour in space and time.
A second concomitant of the emergence of the new penitentiaries, police forces, and asylums see Scull was the creation of a new stratum of penal adminis- trators who managed, diagnosed, and ministered to their inmates, and claimed new mandates and fostered new intellectual disciplines to shore up their infant and some- what fragile professional authority.
There was W. There was S. There was Henry Maudsley, the co-founder of the epony- mous hospital, who wrote about homicidal insanity, insanity, and criminal respon- sibility, and other matters in the first stirrings of the new science These men established new professional associations to promote and defend their expertise—for instance, the Association of Medical Officers of Asylums and Hospitals for the Insane that was founded in ; and the Medico-Legal Association that was founded in And the new associations founded new journals and new stocks of knowledge the first issue of The Asylum Journal of Mental Science appeared in and the first issue of the Transactions of the Medico-Legal Society appeared a year after the Medico-Legal Association in The new disciplines of criminal anthropology, criminal psychiatry, crimi- nology, and medico-legal science gave them a capacity to control and speak about new problems, and it conferred a tenuous legitimacy, but they had few examples to follow, and it was to be medicine, the established science of bodily pathology, that became the principal template for their fledgling science of social pathology.
British crimi- nology took much of its form at that time, remaining for a long while a statistically driven, administratively-bent form of knowledge copying the forms of applied medi- cine, practised in the service of the state see Sim 9 and adopting the language of diagnosis, prognosis, epidemiology, treatment, and rehabilitation. And, Garland would argue, it was a project that came to embody ensuing contradictions which have yet fully to be resolved: the quest, on the one hand, for a criminology as the science of the causes of crime and, on the other, for a discipline subordinate to the practical administrative demands of the state The penultimate phase was identified by Mannheim as work undertaken by uni- versity departments or individual teachers and by Beirne, an Englishman teaching in America, and rather parochially one might think, as the growth of criminology in the United States.
By the end of the nineteenth century, enough had been accomplished by the pioneers to invite people to view a newly born criminology as a discrete per- spective that could be detached from its anchorage in the applied, working practices of state institutions to be pursued as an intellectual object in its own right.
It was to be associated with a cluster of European thinkers, and particu- larly, and not always usefully, with Lombroso and his followers. Lombroso tended to be too fanciful, too extravagant in his mannerisms, to warrant serious consider- ation by the largely pragmatic and empirical scholars of the United Kingdom.
British criminology is not and never has been significantly Lombrosian in its affections, and when criminology did come eventually and tentatively to establish itself in Britain in the early s, it was not as an offshoot of the new criminal anthropology see Rock Injected into English universities, virtually at a stroke, was the criminology which had been maturing apart in the universities of western Europe, but neither did it receive a ready acceptance see Hood nor was it injected into an intellectual framework that yielded easily.
It was eclectic, comprehensive, and multi-disciplinary, embracing: I. The use of Criminal Statistics. History and present character of crime in England and abroad. The criminal types and the causes of crime: 1 Physical factors. The anthro- pological theory Lombroso. The biological theory. The significance of physical defects. Insanity and mental deficiency.
The psychoanalytical explanation. Race and Religion. The gang. Profession and unemployment. Economic and political crises. What followed showed the same stamp. Thus the editorial of the first issue of the new British Journal of Delinquency, published in July , about to become the chief vehi- cle of the newly institutionalized discipline, and later to be re-baptized the British Journal of Criminology, proclaimed: it is perhaps unnecessary to add that the British Journal of Delinquency is not in the customary sense a clinical journal.
Clinical contributions will of course receive special consideration, but it is hoped to publish articles, both theoretical and practical, from trained workers in the various departments of criminology; namely, medical psychol- ogy, psychiatry, psychoanalysis, organic medicine, educational psychology, sociology, economics, anthropology, psycho-biology and statistics; also from social workers, pro- bation officers, prison and other institutional personnel, and from forensic specialists whose work brings them into intimate contact with problems of delinquency.
That was the vein in which British criminology long remained: catholic, multi-causal, averse to a reliance on single theories and disciplines; grounded in medicine and med- ical metaphor; reformist, applied, and tied to the penal politics of the day. But its very eclecticism brought it about that successive generations of students were able routinely to receive instruction and conduct research across a very broad terrain.
When the great wave of university expansion was launched in England and Wales in the s, when the number of universities grew from 30 to 52 in twenty years, the number of students from , to ,, and the number of academic staff from 19, to 46,, criminology could come freely into its own, blossoming with the rest of the academy, and colonizing departments of psychology, law, social policy, and, above all, sociology.
In that take-off phase, urged on by publishers, made dis- continuous with the past by a thrusting generation of newly appointed young Turks, criminology became striving, expansive, quarrelsome, factious, and open, its practi- tioners jostling with one another for a place in the sun see Taylor, Walton, and Young Some established the National Deviancy Symposium in in open confron- tation with what was conceived to be the old orthodoxies represented by the Institute of Criminology at the University of Cambridge and the Home Office Research Unit S.
Cohen ; Downes They splintered along the theoretical and political faultlines of sociology proper, refracting the larger arguments of Marxist and post- Marxist theory then in vogue, the new phenomenologies of social life, and feminism. And then, after a while and inevitably—in the s and beyond—most, but not all see Hillyard et al. That is a catholic defi nition which encompasses almost every situation in which individuals or groups can influence one another.
There is no one, royal way to lay out the sociology of crime. The organization of the remainder of this chapter will therefore dwell on a group of intellectual themes which convey some part of the present preoccupations and envi- ronment of sociological criminology. I shall, in particular, attend to the key issues of control, signification, and order. Others would look upon the exercise of control more critically. Some are more hostile to interpretive sociology than others see Clarke Contributors tackle a vast range of topics, including the impact of white-collar crime, the contexts in which it occurs, current crime policies and debates, and examinations of the criminals themselves.
The volume concludes with a set of essays that discuss potential responses for controlling white-collar crime, as well as promising new avenues for future research,. Uniting conceptual theories, empirical research, and ethnographic data, this Handbook provides the first unified analytic framework on white-collar crime. The editors, Rosemary Gartner and Bill McCarthy, have assembled a diverse cast of criminologists, historians, legal scholars, psychologists, and sociologists from a number of countries to discuss key concepts and debates central to the field.
The Handbook includes examinations of the historical and contemporary patterns of women's and men's involvement in crime; as well as biological, psychological, and social science perspectives on gender, sex, and criminal activity. Several essays discuss the ways in which sex and gender influence legal and popular reactions to crime. An important theme throughout The Handbook is the intersection of sex and gender with ethnicity, class, age, peer groups, and community as influences on crime and justice.
Individual chapters investigate both conventional topics - such as domestic abuse and sexual violence - and topics that have only recently drawn the attention of scholars - such as human trafficking, honor killing, gender violence during war, state rape, and genocide. This title brings together research on the development and operation of policing in the United States and elsewhere. Accomplished policing researchers Michael D. Reisig and Robert J.
Kane have assembled a cast of renowned scholars to provide an authoritative and comprehensive overview of the institution of policing. Developmental and life-course criminology are both concerned with the study of changes in offending and problem behaviors over time.
Developmental studies in criminology focus on psychological factors that influence the onset and persistence of criminal behavior, while life-course studies analyze how changes in social arrangements, like marriage, education or social networks, can lead to changes in offending. The Oxford Handbook on Developmental and Life-Course Criminology offers the first comprehensive survey of these two approaches together. The fourth section focuses on life transitions and turning points as they may relate to persistence in-or desistance from-criminal activity into adulthood, while the final section examines the genesis of antisocial, delinquent, and criminal activity, its maintenance, and its cessation.
A state of the art overview on the topic, this Handbook aims to be the most authoritative resource on all issues germane to developmental and life-course criminologists and provides next steps for further research. This title provides comprehensive analyses of current knowledge about the unwarranted disparities in dealings with the criminal justice system faced by some disadvantaged minority groups in all developed countries.
The Oxford Handbook of Prisons and Imprisonment provides the only single source that bridges social scientific and behavioral perspectives, providing graduate students with a more comprehensive understanding of the topic, academics with a body of knowledge that will more effectively inform their own research, and practitioners with an overview of evidence-based best practices.
Although the issue of offender decision-making pervades almost every discussion of crime and law enforcement, only a few comprehensive texts cover and integrate information about the role of decision-making in crime. The Oxford Handbook of Offender Decision Making provide high-quality reviews of the main paradigms in offender decision-making, such as rational choice theory and dual-process theory. It contains up-to-date reviews of empirical research on decision-making in a wide range of decision types including not only criminal initiation and desistance, but also choice of locations, times, targets, victims, methods as well as large variety crimes including homicide, robbery, domestic violence, burglary, street crime, sexual crimes, and cybercrime.
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